Politics in Malaysia is drawn across a few distinct axes.
1. Primarily ( and rarely noted ) : there is a class-hierarchy not only among individuals, but also among states :
- ... 1.1. Sabah, SH, and Sarawak, SK, are not equal states with the states of the Peninsula, PS - they have superior positions;
- ... 1.2. Penang and Melaka, are not equal states within PS, having no Malay ruler as their head of state - they have inferior positions at the Council of Rulers, COR ( besides various legacy differences, including land administration ).
2. Secondly ( and usually spotlit ) : "bumiputera" second-class citizens are grouped together by hereditary status + race + religion ( "Malays of peninsula" + "indigenous of SH&SK, IHK" ... being a subset of the overall "hereditary citizens of SH&SK, CHK, a minor point in national politics" ); the first-class are the Malay rulers, of course.
- ... 2.1. As Malay is constitutionally defined as a superset of Muslim, Islam is co-opted in "Malay ultra" political rhetoric to include non-Malay Muslims as "eventually Malay", and to exclude non-Muslim-non-IHK, NMIHK, as "outgroup irritants".
3. Points 1, 2, establish the underlying fabric of electoral politics
Thirdly, against this fabric, players establish the game. The quantity of votes in each state is analysed in N-dimensions, with various in-group alignments being expressed as factors of
- ... 3.1. elemental
- - migration ( intra- and international ),
- - death and birth rates,
- - birthlines ( race, religion, and CHK inclusion ) , and
- - religious conversions
- ... 3.2. compounded
- - political party ecosystems
4. Finally, in the specific contexts of 2.1. and 3.1., it becomes clear to any student, that religious conversions are an engineer-able substrate, and a long-term concern for electoral politicians.
That is why this stuff is always in the news.